<img loading="lazy" class="size-full wp-image-3117732 alignleft" src="https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/862c3d17-behind-the-bylines-column-new-latest-250725.webp" alt="behind the bylines column new" width="300" height="400" />
The 17th Sabah election last Saturday unveiled a new dynamic in Chinese voter support, one with the potential to reshape the state’s political trajectory.
Though not the largest community in the state, Chinese voters exerted significant influence in several urban and semi-urban constituencies that could have proved decisive.
At the outset, many anticipated that the Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS)–Pakatan Harapan (PH) alliance would secure the state administration at the very least with a simple majority of 37 seats.
GRS was projected to secure about 25 constituencies, with PH expected to deliver the remainder as coalition partner. The actual election outcome, however, proved markedly different.
GRS secured 29 seats, while PH, contesting 22 constituencies, won only one — Melalap — far short of its early hopes of being kingmaker in the state government.
Following the election, voting patterns in urban areas with a Chinese majority came under scrutiny after a major swing in favour of Warisan was detected. Shafie Apdal’s party stunned observers by breaking into nearly all urban seats in DAP strongholds.
Warisan captured Luyang, Likas, Sri Tanjong, Tanjong Papat, Elopura and Kapayan — six significant constituencies, delivering a heavy blow to DAP. The outcome not only ended DAP’s urban dominance but also eliminated the party entirely from the Sabah state assembly.
PKR also suffered heavy losses, including in Api-Api, another Chinese-majority seat, as well as Inanam, a mixed constituency. These defeats confirmed a clear rejection of PH in urban areas.
The shock result may be difficult for PH supporters to accept, as several incumbents were seen as having served well. Among them was Sabah DAP chief Phoong Jin Zhe, formerly assemblyman for Luyang but contesting in Likas this time.
Phoong boasts a strong track record in government. As industrial development and entrepreneurship minister in the previous state government, Phoong played a major role in positioning Sabah as a prime investment destination.
He is often credited with securing approved investments for the state worth RM10.9 billion between January and March 2025.
Sandakan MP Vivien Wong Shir Yee also fell at the polls, losing in Elopura. Amid the district’s water supply crisis last September, she took a hands‑on role — coordinating water distribution and securing diesel for the Segaliud plant’s generators to keep them running.
In the end, their efforts faltered against changing local sentiment, as Warisan’s portrayal of DAP as an “outsider” party sharply undercut PH’s support among Chinese voters.
Who will represent the Chinese community in govt?
Post-election, a major question arises over representation of the Chinese community in the state government. With limited Chinese representatives in the ruling bloc, who will champion their issues in the administration?
With Warisan now in the opposition, its assemblymen have restricted access to government resources. This raises doubts about their ability to provide an optimal level of service to urban voters who gave the party strong support.
Only time will tell whether Warisan’s representatives can fulfil their responsibilities without the advantages enjoyed by government lawmakers.
Deputy chief minister II Masidi Manjun has assured that the lack of ethnic Chinese ministers in the new Sabah Cabinet does not undermine the state government’s inclusivity principle.
On Wednesday, the state government announced the appointment of Tanjung Kapor assemblyman Ben Chong as deputy finance minister, the sole Chinese representative on the state Cabinet.
At the same time, chief minister Hajiji Noor’s administration has sought to address the gap through the appointment of nominated assemblymen.
Of the six appointed, three will be Chinese voices. Former Sabah Law Society president Roger Chin, Liberal Democratic Party secretary-general Chin Shu Ying, and PKR Kota Kinabalu chief Grace Lee, each with different backgrounds but sharing a platform to represent urban voters.
Roger is currently the most prominent among them, given his role in championing Sabah’s claim to 40% of federal revenue earned in the state.
That legal effort is now bearing fruit, with renewed negotiations underway with the federal government, backed by Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s commitment to resolve the matter swiftly. If successful, Sabah will enjoy greater funds for state development.
The Sabah Law Society has also been asked to help draft the framework for the Sabah Sovereign Wealth Fund (SSWF), a long-term economic initiative envisioned by GRS to ensure state revenues benefit future generations.
Still, Roger’s appointment alone will not be enough to bridge the gap in Chinese voter support for the state government. GRS, together with partners like DAP and PKR, must intensify efforts to re-engage urban voters’ priorities.
Without systematic outreach, these urban constituencies may remain Warisan strongholds for the long term, reshaping Sabah’s political map in future elections.
Chinese voters have demonstrated their power as decisive actors in critical constituencies.
The question now is which party will learn the fastest from this signal, and who will win the community’s support in the next Sabah state election.
&nbsp;
Amin Ishak is an editor with FMT.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.

MatchPoint Times

Can Warisan meet Chinese expectations in Sabah?

With limited Chinese representatives in the new GRS-led state government, who will champion their issues in the administration?

US signs health aid deal with Kenya in Trump first

England’s Tuchel might keep substitutes inside if World Cup heat gets too fierce